Majalah Ilmiah INDIKATOR, Volume XIII, Nomor 1, Maret 2011
Selasa, 17 April 2012
REBA: A SPIRITUAL JOURNEY INTO HEART OF NGADHA
By Stephanus Djawanai
Professor of
Linguistics Flores University, Ende,
Flores (full-time) and Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Gadjah Mada University,
Yogyakarta
(part-time), Telephon 0812157021
Abstrak
Reba adalah upacara ritual dan perayaan tahunan orang
Ngadha, Flores untuk memulai kehidupan dalam siklus tahun yang baru dan dikenal
sebagai “tahun baru adat.” Pengertian tahun baru itu harus ditafsirkan secara
batiniah lahiriah, meskipun yang tampak adalah pertemuan keluarga dan kampung
dalam bentuk upacara ritual adat, perayaan, pesta, tari, saling kunjung, dan
makan bersama. Perayaan reba
berhubungan dengan kehidupan agraris tradisional, jadi berhubungan dengan awal
musim tanam. Istilah lain yang umum digunakan adalah buku reba, buku gua
yang mengacu adat kebiasaan reba sebagai perayaan dan sarana pengajaran
dan pembelajaran yang berisi nasihat, petuah, ajaran untuk memperhalus budi,
hidup baik dan berdisiplin menurut etika dan moral orang Ngadha. Inti upacara reba
adalah pembersihan diri, keluarga, dan lingkungan sosial dan fisik. Reba
itu bernilai dan membuat orang Ngadha makin manusiawi, kasih-mengasihi, menjadi
masyarakat yang berdaya dan mempunyai tuntunan etika, moral, dan kedisiplinan
dalam berprilaku. Nilai-nilai penting adalah: persatuan, menghormati leluhur
dan para tetua, kesetiakawanan, gotong-royong, berkorban bagi sesama,
religiositas, etika dan moral, dan kedisiplinan. Semuanya itu diajarkan
melalui petuah dan teladan, makan bersama dari kurban, kerja keras, berhemat,
menyelesaikan kesalahpahaman dengan menghindari kekerasan, musyawarah,
perencanaan keluarga, pemberdayaan anggota keluarga, kewajiban memelihara rumah
adat, seni untuk ajang pergaulan, dan cerita/dongeng untuk ajang pengajaran dan
pembelajaran demi pewarisan nilai dan kearifan orang Ngadha.
Kata Kunci
Reba, ritual,leluhur, tahun
baru adat, pembersihan diri.
1. INTRODUCTION
Reba is an annual ritual of the Ngadha
people on the island of Flores, Indonesia, to mark the beginning of the
life-cycle of a traditional new year, often known as the customary (adat)
new year. Ngadha is the name of a female ancestor who is belived to be
the mithocindriac mother of the people of Ngadha. It is also a name of a
big clan; and later used as a name for the district, with Bhajawa as the
capital.
The concept new year has to be interpreted more in a
spiritual or inner sense rather than a material or outer sense, although in the
contemporary public’s eye it is seen as a family, clan, and village gathering
marked by traditional rituals, celebration, festing, dancing, visiting one
another (especially members of a clan), and ritual meals together in a
household, a clan, or a village to mark, renew and strengthen solidarity.
Another term that is commonly used is buku reba (Reba
fest) or buku gua (teaching fest) which refers to the reba tradition
as a celebration and a teaching and learning process (in the sense of
rote-learning, proto-learning, and deutero-learning as suggested by Bateson,1972),
which contains advices, admonitions, warnings, and other traditional wisdoms
which could be used as guidelines by the new generation (ana muzi) to
develop refined character, good and disciplined life in accordance with the
ethics and morality of the Ngadha people.
The core of the reba ritual is called bui loka
that is to clear the loka which is an offering space, and preparation
ritual; dheke reba, which is a vigil to prepare and cleanse oneself from
mistakes and especially to sort out conflicts within a family or clan who
are members of a household (sa’o), and members of a clan (ulu-eko);
su’i uvi, that is the ritual of cutting yam root while invoking and
summoning ancestors to partake in the ritual, and holding a family talk in a
clan or traditional house, to keep the family close until everbody forgives (sai
modhe le papa jawa one sa’o); o uvi that is communal dancing in the
center of the village to express happiness; and kobe dhoi which is a
continuation of the family talk to find solutions to conflicts or
misunderstandinsg; and closed by again su’i uvi which is summoning the
spirits of ancestors to act as witnesses of the family “contract” for peace,
and dhoi which is throwing away the skins of the yam root to
symbolize the cleansing and getting rid of all mistakes, misfortunes and
diseases. The whole series of rituals rest upon one pivotal concept, that is
cleansing oneself, the family, clan members of an extended household, and
cleaning the organization of the traditional clan house (sa’o ngaza
= a house bearing an ancestor’s name) and physically cleaning the house,
village and repair social life. The traditional expression in Ngadha which
summarizes these rituals is : Zio si wi milo, rasi ta vi higa, moe go nipa
da lui muzi which means ”Bathe to be impure, wash thoroughly until one is
clean and assume a new “personality”, like a snake that has just sheded the old
skin and assumed a new one.” Further discussion will be provided in 2.1. below.
Other topics to be explored are the significance of the reba
rituals and celebration in relation to the meaning and value of the
“journey story” and other values that can be discerned in the special acivities
or event which encourage the Ngadha people to keep, continue and disseminate
the ideas pertaining to the reba fest.
Pertinent questions to be posed are what are the values
which the people want to socialize or disseminate? What kind of solidarity do
they want to develop and instill in the younger generation? What kind of change
in behaviour and what religious meaning that they want to reveal or
develop so that a new younger generation (ana muzi) that is solid and
disciplined who are able to develop themselves, keep the family and traditional
ties in tact and have a strong sense of solidarity can be forged.
The discussion will be focused on excerpts from the reba texts
that expound or imply traditional values which are guidelines that
encourage the Ngadha people to develop and empower themselves. Value is
considered as a characteristic that is so important and useful for human beings
that without it people feel that something is lacking. A value should be
universal and not tied to a certain temporal or spatial context.
This treatise is based on direct participant observations of
several reba fests over a span of over 30 years by the writer. The reba
celebrations that were observed are: Reba Siga-Rani at the village
of Tololela in 1966, Reba Bena in the villages of Bena and Luba in
1978, Reba Ngadha-Mana in the villages of Watujaji and Bowejo in 1994, Reba
Bhajawa nua lima zua in Bajawa village in 1997, and in the villages of
Bokua and Boseka in 2000, and Reba Jerebu’u in the village of
Tololela in 2008. Additional notes are also taken from field trip notes on the reba
rituals in several villages compiled by Angela Nai, in 1997-1998.
It is to be noted that the reba
celebration varies in temporal settings from village to village, but normally
celebrated between the months of December and February, at a critical time when
food is scarce and the people have just started planting. The condition does
not stop them from staging a celebration because the people have saved during
the whole year.
The center of reba is always the traditional “house
with a name” (sa’o ngaza) attended by members of the clan. The traditional
house is built to honor an ancestor who was head of a clan, bearing his name.
It is often a real name of an ancestor or a metaphor that describes his great
deeds or wisdom. It is worth noting that the marriage system of the Ngadha
people is basically matrimonial, at least matrilocal. The traditional house,
especially the inner-most part (one) is conceived as a representation
the “female”.
2. DISCUSSION
There are slight differences in the rituals in the villlages
that observe the reba celebration, but the core is bui loka, dheke
reba, su’i uvi, o uvi and su’i uvi and dhoi.
2.1. The
ritual
The ritual of bui loka is conducted in the meeting and offering place of
a clan known as loka, where there is a special slab for offering and
stones (small menhirs) to mark the ancestors known as lanu loka.
2.1.1. Bui loka (cleaning by “burning” the loka)
The ritual of bui loka is done in the afternoon, the
day before the reba festival and attended by members of a
clan both old and young, male and female. The main activity is clearing the
meeting place, rearranging the stones, putting some arenga pinata husk
as head dress on the menhirs (standing stones) which are treated as
statues of ancestors, and making a small ladder of bamboo which is put on the lanu
(altar) for the spirit of God and the spirits of the ancestors to climb
down to visit, “play”, and take part in the ritual. The traditional expression
is: Raba Deva ne’e ebu-nusi vi dhoro dhegha which means ‘In order
for God and the ancestors’ spirits to climb down and play’. This is an example
of a Ngadha traditional belief in the fellowship between God, the dead and the
living.
In the village of Bena which is considered the
originating place of the reba ceremony, the bui loka ritual is
done in the afternoon of the night of a new moon in December, marked by the
making of a bamboo calendar (sobhi). The bamboo calendar is made of a
cut bamboo node and shaped like a comb (sobhi) with 12 teeth to mark a
13 month lunar calendar. Each new month, that is when the moon is invisible,
‘dark’, that is one month after the bui loka ritual, one of the
teeth is bent or broken; this is continued on every new moon. So after all the
12 teeth are bent, 13 traditional lunar months have lapsed. ( I learned about
this practice and understood its special significance for the first time in my
field trip in 1978). Each year a new “comb” calendar is made and kept in a
traditional house called sa’o sobhi (the comb or calendar house) and kept
by the members of that house.
In Tololela village the bui loka ritual is done in a
designated spot in a ritual garden (ngora moni) by preparing a
rectangular spot on which yam root, banana, sugar cane and 3 stalks for the
shoots of the yam plant to climb on are planted. Then yam roots from the
previous year are dug and brought to the main traditional house in the village
for the su’i uvi ritual.
The bui loka ritual is also marked by sacrificing a
small chicken whose blood is smeared to the offering slab, small bamboo sharpen
to form like a garden tool called su’a, the new plants, the “comb”, and kobho
(dried gourd or coconut shell) which is a receptacle for seeds. The su’a
and kobho are taken from the main house to the garden and later
returned and placed in the house proper. The two implements symbolize
rights (to land) and duties to be paid to the traditional house. The
ritual is underscored by the “reading” of the liver of the sacrificial chicken,
the giving of offerings in the form of steamed rice, low alcoholic drink
distilled from sap of arenga piñata (tua), roast sacrifial chicken meat,
banana, coconut water, and areca nut, a ritual pray or mantra requesting
health, fertility, and good harvest, and is ended with consuming the rest of
the offered chicken, steamed rice, arenga pinata drink and banana. It is to be
noted that what the people attending the ritual consume after the ritual is the
“left-over” of the offering. After eating the “left-over” of the sacrifice the
men perform a ritual circle dance called soka accompanied by singing and
stamping of feet to keep the rhythm. The song basically is a ritual summoning
of the spirit of God, the spirits of the ancestors, and the spirit of the yam
root to support the reba fest and to promote ties and solidarity among
the members of the clan or of the village. The attendants of the ritual then
went back to the village bringing the “comb” calendar, the yam root, banana,
and certain vegetables consisting of leaves of certain beans (uta seko
and uta hobho). When they entered the village they may be received by a
singing and dancing group which may be accompanied by bamboo flute ensamble.
2.1.2. Dheke Rebba
The word dheke means ‘to climb’ a ladder onto the
house proper, the inner part of the traditional house to conduct the reba ritual.
This ritual is done in every traditional main house with a name (sa’o pu’u or
sa’o ngaza), atttended only by immediate members of the house or of the
clan and is held under closed door. The core of the ritual is cleansing the
house and its members from ”misunderstandings and sins”. The ritual is started
by the citing of a paryer or mantra, the killing of the sacrificial
animal (chicken or small pig), the smearing of the boold of the sacrificial
animal on special parts of the house (mata raga, deke kae, lapu,
pene, davu, tubo, su’a, bhoka) (cf. Fox, 1980, and Barnes, 1974), the
reading of the liver of the sacrificial animal as a kind of forecast or oracle,
followed by a discussion by the medicine man on whether the reba
feast will go well or that there may be complications. After the sacrificial
animal is roasted, a tiny part of the liver and meat, together with steamed
rice and alcoholic drink are offered to God and the ancestors and placed
above the mata raga (center). After the offering, the “left-over” is
consumed and has to be finished by all members of the house or clan.
2.1.3. Su’i Uvi
The ritual of su’i uvi is marked by piercing the yam
root (uvi) with a cerfemonial sword (sau ga’e) and invoking
and summoning the spirits of ancestors to come and give advice through the clan
elders. The advice always contains ethical and moral teachings for the younger
generation to always abide within the moral and ethical rules of the clan,
assume good and correct behavior, followed by a request to the ancestors for
their blessing, accompaniment, and benediction for good health for the whole
household both who are present and who cannot attend the ceremony. Before the su’i
uvi ritual is held, a “hard” discussion, often marked by debates, is held
to sort out misunderstandings or conflicts among the house or clan members.
Future plans especialy those pertaining to marriages, suggesions of prospective
marriegeable individuals, allocating plots of clan land to those in need, and
plans to refurbished the traditional house and sacred places and structures of
worship are discussed. That is the reason why the meeting is held under closed
door –no guests are allowed to enter the house proper (one sa’o); what
is discussed should be kept secret within the family or clan, words about it
should not cross the door of the house proper as shown in the
expression ma’e laga go pene (‘It should not cross the threshold
of the house’). The main purpose of the discussion is that all clan members
forgive one another so that the next day all of them can go out into the
village center to dance and take part in the fest with clean hearts without
grudges, and smiling and bright faces. They talk until everybody forgives.
In the ritual, the yam root is cut into three main pieces
while invoking the names of the ancestors, followed by shaking the door (pene)
by a family member to symbolize the arrival and the presence of the ancestors.
The yam root is then cut into slices, steamed and consumed by the whole members
of the family or clan.
2.1.4. O Uvi
The morning after the dheke reba ritual a comunal
dance called O Uvi is staged and is followed by members of all
households and village including guests coming from other villages. The circle
dance is accompanied by communal singing consisting of repeated chorus led by
solo lines citing metaphors, responded in unison in a traditional “call”
to the spirit of the yam root (symbol of fertility and prosperity) to
come, and the soil to wake from its slumber. The solo lines contain
pieces of advice and eulogizing the greatness of ancestors especially in
uniting the family or clan members, i.e. keeping them close, but sometimes they
contain teasing, reprimanding bad behavior, and groups of young people
especially marriageable males and females may exchange banters, but under
one condition that noone is to be shamed or feel upset by the banters. The
banters may also be used by young people to find prospective mates. The
festival sometimes lasts for two days and is used by the people to rest, make
merry, forget the hardships of life, at least momentarily, and to reinvigorate
them to continue their livelihood. The period of two days and two nights are
also a means for members of clans to invite one another and to invite guests
coming from other villages to dine together in different houses as an act of
remembrance, renewal, and strengthening of family and social ties.
Today, in an inculturative reba fest, the dance is
preceded by a Roman Catholic mass (most of the Ngadha people are Catholics)
marked by the use of Ngadha language, traditional songs and dances performed by
designated groups or choir as part of the liturgy, and even the priest celebrates
mass wearing traditional Ngadha costume. During the mass, clan leaders are
seated next to the priest, and at the end of the mass they may also be asked to
give a traditional Ngadha blessing.
2.1.5. Dhoi
Dhoi or kobe dhoi (dhoi
night) is done after the O Uvi dance. This ritual is done inside
each house and attended exclusively by family or clan members. A discussion is
again held to sort things out between members of the house or clan especially
those that are related to land ownership or use and family heir looms. It is
sometimes conducted like an arbitration. One word of caution is that all
misunderstandings have to be resolved in the traditional house and never made
known in the village, let alone taken to a modern court of law. In conclusion
advices and admonitions are again repeated and a sacrificial animal is again
killed as an offering and to be comsumed together to mark peace and solidarity.
The ritual is ended with throwing away the skins of the yam root, symbolizing
the casting away of misunderstandings.
In other villages like Bena they also perform a ire ceremony
that is getting rid of all the skins of the yam root and unused left-overs to
symbolize the start of a fresh new life. Ire is marked by silence
for contemplation inside each traditional house.
2.2.
Vuku Uvi (bhee ebu nusi vi mai vuku uvi)
The ritual is done to summon or invoke ancestors so that together with the
living they summon the “spirit” of yam root. The words are: Mai moku benu
ulu, meda benu roro vi podhu sama dia au mata raga vi bama go su’a ngaza which
means ‘Let’s sit together at the “head” of the house proper, sit together near
the fire place, under the “eye” ie., center of the house to receive the
garden knife (which marks rights to clan land but also obligation to contribute
to the clan, like a kind of tax or retribution (fedho))’. The summoning
of the spirit is an invitation to the ancestors to be part of the ritual. Note
that the spirit of the yam root is a metaphor for the spirit of the “giver of
life” (or “life force”) represented by the yam root.
Then the leader of the ritual says:Kami
bhee se mori mai moli, enga se ngata mai masa, vi di’i logo vi la’a dulu; ulu
vi ma’e muu, kasa vi ma’e bana, which means ‘We call one name, all
ancestors come, invoke one individual all come together to protect us from
behind and accompany our every step; that we don’t have headaches, that our
shoulders have no sores’.
The excerpt of this text is a
traditional prayer asking the ancestors to be “guardian angels” and lead the
way to safety, health, and prosperity. The value of fellowship between the
living and the dead undescores Ngadha religiousity. This is one reason why
Christianity is readily accepted by the people of Ngadha. The praising of ancestors
acknowledges the fact that they were used by God, the creator, to take part in
the process of creation, i.e. to “create” new human beings.
2.2.
Sili Ana Vunga
Sili Ana Vunga da pera gha vi utu
mugu-muu dia go sa’o pu’u: mai podhu dia teda leva da olo peka, kono dia kopo
da molo, lole doe dia lego da modhe. Sili Ana Vunga da nuka vi pera gua. The excerpt means ‘Sili, the
first-born, has taught that all family or clan members huddle in the main
traditional house; sit together on the long and spacious patio that has
been prepared, enter the right corral, enter in bunches into the good corral.
Sili the first-born is returning to teach.’
Sili is understood to be the first man in the Ngadha
culture and cosmogony; he is the great teacher of the Ngadha people. He is
idealized as an ancestor that has brought ethical and moral norms to
guide the people throughout their life, otherwise other people may criticize
saying that one knows no norms (da adha bha’i).
Beside Sili, some other names are also invoked: Oba and Nanga, Teru and Tena,
Vijo and Vajo given in pairs which reminds me of the idea put forward by Fox
(1971) about oral expressions or compositions coming in pairs. These names may
refer to idealized, exemplary individuals (eponyms) who are ancestors of the
Ngadha people that have spread to other locations within the Ngadha “mythical”
land.
The core of the teaching of Sili is that truths and goodness
come out of the mouth of ancestors therefore they last as shown in the
expression : Da dela muzi dhuu olo-olo pu’u ngia go vae sezu, which
means ‘Ancestors live forever in their speech.’ The Ngadha people are thus
reminded to listen to, pay attention to, heed the wise words of the ancestors
and elders who spoke only of the truth and what is good (H. Nainawa, 1978).
2.3.
Journey from the unknown
In Ngadha legends it is narrated that Sili the first-born (Sili
ana vunga) made a journey to Ngadha land from a place that is dark, far,
and geographically unknown (pu’u zili giu gema). And on the way he found
the yam root (uvi) which he took as provision until he arrived in Ngadha
land. It is to be noted that the yam root grows easily in fertile, arid, sandy
even rocky soils, in coastal or slopes of mountains and hills.
The journey story, which is found in all civilizations, is
perhaps a historical note of the migration of people in search of new
settlement. In another area of Ngadha known as the “bowl of the lower area”,
the reba ceremony is called O Luka, in which a detailed story is
recounted every year about a sea journey guided by the stars. This is a “proof”
that the Ngadha traditional groups were sea-faring people who have now for the
most part become sedentary. They had a sophisticated knowledge of boat making, sailing
and positions of stars as compass points. The people of Bena as mentioned above
concerning the “comb” calendar (sobhi) had a sophisticated knowledge of
the phases of the moon which is closely related to farming practices:
time to clear the garden, till, and prepare soil for planting, plant, take care
of plants, harvest.
One may question whether the journey is real, physical or is
it metaphysical. My interpretation is that it is more a story or a metaphor of
an inner journey into the heart of man to discover oneself as an individual (gee
mori), as members of a household (gee sa’o), as members of a clan (gee
ana-woe), and as members of a tribe (gee ulu-eko). The story also
narrates how the people overcome difficulties, hardship, fear, evil desires,
etc. along the way and are reinvigorated by goodness and inner or
supernatural strength that they succeed in their journey and arrive at their
destination.
The spiritual journey is also marked by purification of
certain places: house (sa’o), parts of a house (mata raga, deke kae,
davu, lapu, pene, tubo), ceremonial garden (ngora or uma moni),
offering and meeting locations (loka), male ancestor monument (ngadhu),
female ancestor house (bhaga), megalith (vatu leva) offering
place inside the village (ture), even banyan trees (nunu). All
those places are treated with veneration and that is how the people show that
they are aware of the importance of keeping the environment and ecology well.
2.4.
Uvi, the value of hard-work and saving or austerity
The following exprssion shows the hard-working and saving
attitude : Sili Ana Vunga da mula go uvi; uvi tebu toko, ladu vai poso, koba
rapo lizu. Uvi, hui da moki, moki-moki ba bha’i moli; kutu da koe, koe-koe ba
dhano ko’e, which means ‘Sili the first-born, planted yam root; the yam
root grew strong, its shoots climbed on to the mountains, its roots covered the
sky; porcupines dug it but some parts remained, they dug but some were left.
This is coupled with the advice: Koe se nawa, peju se nawa; toka se
alu na’a se alu meaning ‘dig one root, leave one root (in the ground,
because the yam root is like a barn that keeps the harvest in the soil)’; empty
(take food from) one bamboo node container, leave one node’.
Sili found the yam root, then took some as provision and
planted it for future use; thus there is effort and sacrifice. Sili taught the
people saying: Kita da keti-ku’a pu’u ngi’i go voka-bati; kita kete-kela vi
mula uvi vi noa su’i, meaning ‘We pick-break (harvest) because we work; we
cut-dig soil (clear shrubs and dug the land then sow seeds and tended the
plants), in order to have enough food to perform the annual reba ritual,
including slaughtering sacrificial animals. This teaching exemplifies the
Ngadha people’s conviction to save so that each year they can have a New Year
celebration.
The uvi is also described as being very big
like a drum and gong (laba-go) used for traditional ceremonies.
The drum and gong ensemble is sounded when someone gives a feast in honor of
the ancestors. Thus, how can one give a feast if he does not work hard, save
and get help from others?
2.5. The value of cooperation: helping one another
and willingness to sacrifice
For the preparation of the reba fest there is a common saying (papa
kesa and papa dhabu) meaning all freely contribute. House or clan
members come with contributions according to their ability to help with the
celebration. Cooperation is also shown by the O Uvi dance which is a
kind of circle dance which reflects harmony when all sing, thump the feet and
move rhythmically counter-clock-wise, imitating the cyclone.
2.6. Value of communal dining
Every Ngadha celebration is highlighted by dining together, which symbolizes
faithfulness to the house or clan and solidarity. The sacrificing of animals
symbolizes purification in blood, and the dining always means eating left-overs
of a sicrifice or offering. Before dining a prayer to God and ancestors are
cited and a small portion is “offered”. In the prayer the following words are
often repeated: Miu ka vai da mami, ti’i kami vai da ngeta which means
‘You consume the cooked portion, give us the raw’. This exemplifies a prayer
for good harvest.
2.7. Sa’o pu’u, the main traditional house
as unifying force
The main traditional house built in honor of and named after an ancestor
assumes the value of unifying of the household or clan. Each clan normally has
a sa’o pu’u or sa’o ngaza, built according to certain formula and
sanctified at every phase of the building with sacrificial animals, normally
chickens, pigs and water-buffaloes.
The “house” has the responsibility to care for all members, but the members
have a duty to keep the house. Land is normally provided to clan members and
they have to “pay” a certan “tax” or contribution called (fedho or bhui).
The house is metaphorically described as kopo da molo, lego da modhe, lego
da zi’a da dhanga bo woso mesa kapa which means ‘good corral, good pig-pen,
healthful pig-pen, that always grow many, hatch densely’. It represents the
idea of having abundant harvests.
The sa’o pu’u is not a
dwelling place in the normal sense of the word but a sacrificial or building or
structure, where sacrfices are offered, meetings are held, marriage rituals are
held, children are born and the dead are returned for a burial ceremony. The
building of a sa’o follows strict rules starting from choice of
location, the erecting of 12 house posts (tubo) and one post to
support a partial platform (deke kae) , beams (ledha),
bamboo floor (naja), 28 pieces of wooden walls (ube) and thatch
roof (ghubu keri). The numbers interestingly coincide with the number of
days in a year: 13 posts time 28 wooden planks is 364, and the number of months
conforms to the yearly sobhi calendar. This conclusion is based on my
field work in Bena in 1978.
2.8. Ebu poo, nusi pera; poo gege; su’i uvi
The topic means grand parents advise, ancestors teach, advise. The advice is
also referred to as punu-pede da pebhi ngara ghemi which means ‘tell
compare, that keeps more securely’. Three kinds of advice are given below.
2.8.1. Appeal
It concerns building of good
relationships and avoiding violent actions as shown in the following wise
words: Modhe ne’e hoga-woe, meku ne’e doa-delu, sai dhu go nipi kobe which
means ‘Be tender with friends-colleagues, soft with siblings-cousins
even in dreams at night.’ Appeal is also made that people assume a
hard-working attitude as shown in : bugu vai kungu, uri vai logo meaning
‘blunt be nails , burnt be back’ (because of manual work and the scorching sun)
that one can proudly announce that what he has achieved can be described as dia
na go tenge mema meaning’this is really my own (achievement)’, when
referrimg to possessions such as harvest, woven cloths, cattle, and golden
ornaments.
2.8.2 Prohibition
The most repeated advice concerns the
use of words. The following is part of an advice given at the su’i uvi
ritual: lema ma’e teka, vivi ma’e isi, boro vi ma’e dodo; which means
tongues should not be sharp, utterance should not be harsh, mouth should not
differ; coupled with an advice to avoid gosip : toke ma’e deke, mote ma’e
veo which means (when drawing water from the source) the bamboo node
should not rest on the ground (but on the shoulder), hair bun should not shake
(meaning gossiping).
Another important advice is ma’e
naka ta’i, ma’e dhoa boo which means ‘don’t steal food, don’t steal (take
out) from (other’s) granary’, because the deed will bring shame to the whole
family and clan.
2.8.3. Hope and expectation
Hope is expounded in the following
sayings: modhe vi kono one, leko vi dhoro dheso meaning ‘let the good
enter inside the (heart), the crooked descend pushed aside’, and sia go ate
vi dara go magha meaning “day-light the heart to enlighten the mind’.
2.9. Reba as venue to resolve conlicts in
family meeting
Conflict or misunderstanding should not be lallowed to remain and should be
solved in a democratic way inside the traditional house. During the rituals of kobe
dhekke and dhoi, forgiveness and peace (papa jawa) should be
established, which are “witnessed by all members of the household and the
“spirits of ancestors”. To mention in passing, conflicts are normally triggered
by claims to clan land, cattle, and golden heirlooms. All the clan’s
possessions have social and religious value, not economic valeu.
2.10. Reba as a venue for empowerment
In the rituals a commitment is achieved
that members of a household or clan help one another. There should not be any
member that lives in a destitue condition or goes hungry because that condition
may bring shame.
2.11. Reba and Arts
Reba is a venue to develop and keep the
singing, dancing, and music making alive. The song structure of Ngadha can be
describes as: bhee (call), tengo (respond), dha’o (catch,
refrain), tolu or pata (solo lines), sipo or dho’o
(accompany), sebhe (close). The solo lines are provided by a group of
three to five males dancing in the center of the circle. The voice of singing
people in the night is said to be soft and sweet like the yam root. The
expression is: da o uvi kisa kobe uvi nga mavu-mavu -- uvi mu
ngara mavu; kobe po’e-po’e lema, uvi po’e-po’e mavu meaning ‘the o
uvi song at middle of night is soft and sweet –yam root more soft; night
grows deeper, yam root becomes softer and sweeter’.
Soka and O Uvi
dance can be used to promote cooperation and solidarity, because it is never
done individually, always collectively in a group. The counter-clock-wise
movement immitates the movement of cyclon (pote polo). The dance starts
with soka (encouragement), kelo ghae (turn around) dancing in the
yards from house to house to invite village members to take part. At times
groups of women (called naro) would dance into the center of the circle
to perform lea (pair dance).
For the reba celebration, people
normally wear new costumes so weaving of cloths is promoted. They also weave
mats, baskets and plates from pandanus or palm leaves to be used in the
communal dining. And they make head ornaments for the dancing.
3. CONCLUSION
In this short paper I have cited the
ethical and moral values that are used as guidelines for the people of Ngadha. Reba
is a “journey into the inner-most part of the heart” of the Ngadha people. The
people cherish cooperation, solidarity, mutual respect, care, love, sacrifice,
respectful attitudes to ancestors and elders, empowerment, hard-work,
austerity, sharing, resolution of conflicts, and responsibilty.
Reba is also an
important paedagogical venue for children to learn about pertinent and useful
stories, legends, and myths, songs, and dances and about folk or traditional
lores and wisdom. In closing I will cite the following advice: Sili Ana
Vunga da dawi dia tangi raba vi iso ne’e ka’e-azi, vi ngaa ne’e veta-nara; Sili
Ana Vunga da punu vi ma’e rebho ne’e sa’o pu’u: utu benu ulu, lole benu one, vi
papa modhe ne’e ana-voe, vi ma’e papa bhkka ne’e ine-ema. Sili the
frst-born is standing at the landing of the steps to see older and young
siblings, to visit female and male siblings; Sili the first-born says not to
forget the main traditional house: assemble full up to the head (part of the
house), enter filling the inside (house proper), to be nice to clan members, to
not let go (forget) mother-father.
Reba is a khairos,
an important temporal setting, in the life-cycle of the Ngadha people, when the
Ngadha people stop to ponder, contemplate, reflect on their purpose and
destination in life.
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*
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